Economic development is a complex process and economists
have had a difficult time identifying the fundamental factors. At its core this
process is one in which financial and human capital are combined in ever more
sophisticated and productive ways, and that is why certain countries advance in
this process much more rapidly than others.
Few centuries ago, Adam Smith identified, “the acquired
abilities of all the inhabitants are a kind of capital,” what is now called
“human capital,” as one of the four types of fixed capital that contribute to
production in a national economy.
Some economists began to wonder if poor countries might be
poor because they lacked human capital. They deduced that rich countries
devastated in World War II were able to quickly employ massive amounts of new
physical capital, while the poorest countries seemed unable to successfully
utilize even small amounts.
They theorized that a nation’s capability to productively
use physical capital is a function of its level of human capital and that if
human capital does not increase along with physical capital, then economic
development cannot proceed. In addition, it is notified that human capital is
more likely to be the constraint to development because foreign investors are
eager to invest in physical capital, but not in human capital.
Economists now accept that investment in education, or human capital, is an important element in the economic development process. Econometric studies provide very strong and consistent evidence that more educated workers are more productive and that they earn higher salaries. There is also no doubt that average levels of education and national income rise simultaneously.
So, this idea not only support Adam Smith’s view that
acquired abilities are a form of capital but also proves that education plays a
large and critical role in the economic development process and that it most
likely is the limiting factor in this process.
The relationships between the two capitals (human capital and physical capital) are complementary. There is some variation in the relative amounts of the two types of capital, but no countries have high levels of only one type. For example, the U.S. has more human than physical capital, while Japan has more physical than human capital, but both countries have high levels of both. Similarly studies show that economic development does not occur automatically.
If it did, there would not be such large differences in the
magnitude of the capital stocks between countries. However, there are some
other characteristic(s) which is not present in the less developed countries,
facilitated historic investment in both types of capital. It is also evident
that whatever these characteristics are, they vary widely across countries
because levels of capital/adult vary widely.
If human capital and physical capital are complementary,
then historically either type of capital or both could have been the factor
limiting investment in the other type of capital.
Human capital is created initially by providing children with primary and secondary schooling. Private financing of this type of investment is not feasible for poor children.
Human capital is created initially by providing children with primary and secondary schooling. Private financing of this type of investment is not feasible for poor children.
Countries that are highly developed today have a long
history of providing free or highly-subsidized education to the poor. A review
of their history suggests that the initial impetus for this schooling had a
religious basis, but that as the public’s level of education and income rose,
their demand for schooling rose, and the financial support from private donors
was replaced or greatly augmented with public funds.
If poor countries
wish to achieve high levels of national income, they need to provide public
funding for the universal education of the poor, at least at the primary and
secondary levels of schooling.
The evidence on returns to education indicates that investment in schooling is subject to diminishing returns, but that the macro marginal return on all education is still considerable in highly-educated countries.
The evidence on returns to education indicates that investment in schooling is subject to diminishing returns, but that the macro marginal return on all education is still considerable in highly-educated countries.
In less-educated countries the marginal macro returns are
much larger, in excess of 50 percent, but since most of this return is
indirect, the magnitude of the marginal returns to education is not generally
appreciated. These very high macro marginal returns to education make it
possible for poor countries to grow very rapidly if they make a major
commitment to raising their average level of schooling.
The evidence also indicates that educated workers raise the
marginal productivity of physical capital and of other workers. In highly
educated countries the spillover effect on other workers is very small, but in
less-educated countries this effect appears to be much larger.
Furthermore, the human capital and physical capital are
complementary; the education has both direct and indirect effects on national
income. So the human capital and physical capital are both required for
economic development and that each has a positive external effect on the
productivity of the other.
As a final note, education has a great importance in the
economic development and technological advances, although to establish a causal
relationship between education and economic growth is difficult. The other positive
externalities of the education in terms of its effect on mental and its
contributions to the improvement of the physical health, its contributions to
know how the nature, economy, universe works are all undeniable and are as
important as the water for a survival of a human life
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